In your reading for Week 8, Manuel Castells raised questions about the relationship between innovation and social values, describing the way technology has been used to create an accelerating polarization in the distribution of wealth: a static or stagnating middle, growing poverty and extreme poverty, growing concentration or super-accumulation. He pointed out that, likewise, technology was a "prerequisite" to solving these social problems, especially growing inequality and the "over-exploitation" especially of vulnerable populations (women, children, migrants, ethnically oppressed groups, etc). He emphasized that technology was not by itself either the cause or the solution, but that changes in social values: emerging forms of solidarity on a global scale, for example—might result in policy changes that would direct innovation in more positive changes.
In this week's reading, Castells emphasizes the policy choices that societies must confront in five arenas: public sector investment, education, just forms of development and "shared growth," regulation of property rights, and the tension between direct democracy and bureaucracies in government and enterprise alike. These policy choices become critical in the massive structural change he observes from industrial, bureaucratic and vertical forms of organization to network forms of organization in the economy and related arenas of global power and influence: ie, networked globalization from above. At present, he observes, the advantages of network technology and networked forms of organization are very unevenly distributed: mostly to the already powerful. He advocates for policy changes that would redistribute those advantages.
Juris explores how at least some groups are seizing the advantages of network technology right now, despite the opposition of wealth, power, and entrenched bureaucracy, and trying to frame a globalization from below. He agrees with Castells that most of the power of the "network of networks" is held by those at the very top of the socio-economic order. But he argues that the "cultural logic of networking" (the same logic and the same logic that guides globalization from above) is also emerging as an ideal toward which contemporary activists are striving. Of course, most ideals are never completely realized: but ideals still shape the goals, values, conversations and actions of individuals and groups. He is particularly interested in the opportunity for small groups involved in local politics to use network technology and network organization to scale up their actions (to become part of of a global movement) in ways similar to the way that a local business now routinely globally sources production, services, information, and so on.
In other words, Juris is interested in seeing how local, democratic actors from below can source activist energy and commitment, hook their network into larger, global "networks of resistance" in the same way that local actors from above have established global networks in their own interest. He calls this a a “'politics of scale' based on direct coordination and communication among small-scale, autonomous units without the need for hierarchical mediating structures such as traditional political parties or labor unions."
His research is based on actual large-scale resistance movements that draw on European anarchist traditions of direct democracy, translating those traditions of loose federation into new ways of "doing politics": "network-based forms of political organization and practice based on non-hierarchical structures, horizontal coordination among autonomous groups, open access, direct participation, consensus-based decision-making, and the ideal of the free and open circulation of information (although this is not always conformed to in practice). While the command-oriented logic of traditional parties and unions is based on recruiting new members, developing unitary strategies, political representation through vertical structures, and the pursuit of political hegemony, network-based politics involves the creation of broad umbrella spaces, where diverse organizations, collectives, and networks converge around a few common hallmarks, while preserving their autonomy and identity-based specificity. Rather than recruitment, the objective becomes horizontal expansion…."
The goal of "horizontal expansion" as opposed to "recruitment" is to create a mass movement based on common interests, values and goals (even an understanding of common enemies) without eradicating individual identities and agendas in the process.
He discusses both communication strategies and organizing strategies.
On the communication front, Juris observes, "global justice movements are informational. The various protest tactics employed by activists, despite emerging in very different cultural contexts, all produce highly visible, theatrical images for mass-mediated consumption, including: giant puppets and street theater, mobile street carnivals (Reclaim the Streets), militant protesters advancing toward police lines with white outfits, protective shields, and padding (White Overalls), and black-clad, masked urban warriors smashing the symbols of corporate capitalism (Black Bloc)." (The article has more in this vein.)
On the organizing front, he notes that the values of these new political actors ("autonomy, self-management, federation, direct action, and direct democracy") have both libertarian and anarchist roots, though in Europe, where his research is based, the roots are particularly in anarchism, which is often misunderstood: "Despite widespread popular belief, anarchism does not mean complete disorder. One of the important threads uniting the many diverse strands of anarchism involves precisely the importance of organization, although of a distinctly different kind: organization based on grassroots participation from below rather than centralized command from above."
Please use this space to describe the "civic engagement" ambitions for your project in some of the terms proposed by Castells and Juris.
Do you hope to achieve some of the policy or values changes considered by Castells?
Are you hoping to take advantage of some of the grassroots communications or organizations strategies proposed by Juris?
Can you relate Castells, Juris and the ambitions of your project's civic engagement to the paradigms explored by Shirky (organizing without organizations), the Korean netizens (organizing with organizations) and Moore (the nature of "super" power from below)?





